Last week the Senate and the Democratic Party were shaken up by the announcement that Evan Bayh, Democratic Senator from Indiana, would retire at the end of his term instead of running for re-election this fall despite $13 million in his campaign warchest and a 20 point lead in the polls. He cited the failure of the Senate to function as his main reason for leaving – ignoring the fact that his brand of centrism helped create the deadlock. Bayh, a “centrist” in name but seemingly a simple political animal in action, had an uncanny ability to annoy the living hell out of the more liberal wing of the Democratic party, his departure was met with something other than anger or dismay from both sides of the political spectrum. I personally couldn’t have been happier to show him the door, despite the chances of his seat turning red in November increasing with his departure.

Because the Washington media loves those like Bayh who position themselves as bipartisan or centrist (especially when it comes to the issue of the deficit), progressives derided his so-called “centrism” as mere political positioning that helped Republicans obstruct Democratic initiatives, and met his exit with a flurry of blog posts with titles like “Bye, Bayh” or “Bayh Low” (“Bayh” is pronounced “Bye” or “Buy” – thus explaining my overly complicated attempt at a joke in my blog title). Ezra Klein called him an “ordinary politician” and a “minor deficit hypocrite”. Jonathan Chait goes farther, and notes that “If Bayh’s loss is a “brain drain,” then the Senate is in even worse shape than I thought.”

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Keeping Up With Congress

As someone who constantly (compulsively?) checks Twitter, RSS, the Huffington Post iPhone App, or anything else that will give me news about the political happenings of the moment, I can easily see the draw of a program like Netvibes. Netvibes is an online portal (a sort of advanced RSS reader with widgets) that can combine all the information you have, sort it into categories, and even – with some nifty programming – filter out the unless crap that comes with inhabiting this wonderful invention we called the “Internets”.

For my Netvibes page, I created pages for all the topics that interest me, but obviously put much more effort into my Comm217 beat: politics and the Senate. Thus, my politics page is organized especially well. I combined the mainstays of any political RSS I will ever create (Andrew Sullivan, Matt Yglesias, Ezra Klein, Spencer Ackerman, etc), added a few more that I found via Delicious, and then created RSS feeds for Twitter searches and Google News searches of “senate filibuster”. Add in the New York Times politics widget and I felt like I was good to go.

More Senate learning, here I come!

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Obama’s Style

I’m starting to get more and more excited for the Feb. 25th Health Care Summit. It will inevitably be a fascinating look into President Obama’s political style. Mark Schmitt articulated that style over two years ago:

One way to deal with that kind of bad-faith opposition is to draw the person in, treat them as if they were operating in good faith, and draw them into a conversation about how they actually would solve the problem. If they have nothing, it shows. And that’s not a tactic of bipartisan Washington idealists — it’s a hard-nosed tactic of community organizers, who are acutely aware of power and conflict. It’s how you deal with people with intractable demands — put ‘em on a committee. (more…)

 

(note: This is my essay for Comm 217, posted here because I think it is a cool topic.)

The comparisons always come fast and hard. Since the popular music industry was first, it must always be the industry that all others are judged against when the Internet catches up with old business models. After popular music went down movies, TV shows, newspapers, and even bicycles followed soon after. Yes, even the bicycle industry is being hit hard, since local bike shops can only stock so many different kinds parts and EBay can stock an infinite number, cutting heavily into revenue for local bicycle shops. The common denominator in all of these situations is the Internet breaking old business models. Music and newspapers, for instance, have both come to find themselves in a place where the cost of producing content remains pretty high, but the cost of distribution and reproduction has gone to basically zero. Thus, money cannot be made in the distribution of music or newspapers in the quantity that it was made before by record companies and newspapers. But while there are similarities between the situations that these institutions find themselves in, there are major differences as well. Thus, the modest success those certain industries have had in tweaking their business models to fit this new Internet age cannot necessarily be transferred to another industry. There have, for example, been many words written about the need for newspapers to create their own iTunes, or their own Hulu, when many problems with these comparisons arise with some scrutiny. First, iTunes and Hulu are not exactly successes for their respective industries (both are successes for technology companies, however). Hulu may not survive without a paywall (which will eventually kill it), and iTunes has not come close to replacing the revenues that CDs used to bring in. Secondly, it is incredibly difficult to imagine exactly what a Hulu for newspapers would look like. There is no single model that the newspapers have rallied behind, but if (or when) it comes, it will not look like iTunes (unless the Apple iPad really is the savior of newspapers) or Hulu. It will look completely different, and the newspaper industry will wonder why it didn’t think of whatever that model is earlier. (more…)

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Comm 117 Bait

From Matt Yglesias:

In an unrelated development, here’s an 800 word Dana Milbank article in The Washington Post about why is Peter Orszag sexy.

Meanwhile, here’s Jeff Frankel (presumably wearing pajamas) talking about Chilean economic policy and the political economy of counter-cyclical budgeting.

 

Map Of Local Congressional Offices

This blog was created recently with the intention of covering what happens in the Senate. And by “covering” I obviously mean “griping about” and “complaining a lot”. Fortunately, we do live in a representative democracy, and thus we the people have a say in what happens in Washington D.C. Calling, visiting, or writing to your representatives and Senators can have a positive effect on how they represent us in government.

Thus, I have compiled a map of our local Senate and Congressional offices in a Google Maps Mashup:

View Offices of Members of the U.S. Congress, Bay Area Edition in a larger map

 

It stands to reason that the complexities of the Senate’s procedures coupled with anger over the stalling of the Health Care Reform bill would lead to some very creative ideas about how to kill the filibuster, and with it, the Senate’s ridiculous supermajority requirement. One argument I have heard many times is that 51 Senators (or 50 plus the Vice President) can basically do anything they want. Now, there is an article by Ian Millhiser in the American Prospect arguing basically that fact:

What the Senate is not allowed to do, however, is tell future senators what rules must apply to their proceedings. Because Reichelderfer prohibits a previous Congress from tying the hands of a future Congress, the rules governing Senate procedure in 2010 cannot bind a newly elected Senate in 2011. The old Senate rules essentially cease to exist until the new Senate ratifies them, so a determined bloc of 51 senators could eliminate the filibuster altogether by demanding a rules change at the beginning of a new session. Once the new Senate begins to operate under the old rules, however, this can function as a ratification of the old rules — essentially locking those rules in place for another two years.

Millhiser is basically arguing that two Supreme Court decisions, Newton v. Commissioners in 1879 and Reichelderfer v. Quinn in 1932, make it possible for each new Senate to eliminate the filibuster, since the new Senate (the next one beginning in January 2011) isn’t beholden to any Senate procedures from previous Senates. (more…)

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